শিবিরের হাতেই খুন হয়েছেন মাসুদ! সত্য জানুন, সবাইকে জানান।
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শিবিরের হাতেই খুন হয়েছেন মাসুদ!

...সকালে ঘুম থেকে উঠে অভ্যাসবত ফেইসবুকে লগইন হয়ে দেখি সেখানে চলছে একটা আনন্দ উৎসবের মতো ঘটনা। কয়েকজন দ্রুত আপডেট দিচ্ছে - ভাই, দুইজন ভাই নিহত হয়েছে - দ্রুত শেয়ার করুন। লাইক দিন ইত্যাদি। ফেইসবুকের স্ট্যাটাসগুলো দেখে মনে হচ্ছিলো কিছু মানুষ তাদের "ভাই" বা "সাথী" লাশ পড়ার খবরে ভীষন উল্লসিত। মনে হচ্ছিলো দুইজন শিবির কর্মীর লাশ পড়ার জন্যে শিবিরের সমর্থকরা অপেক্ষা করছিলো... এস্কিমো ভাইর স্ট্যাটাসের শুরুর অংশটা উপরে তুলে দিলাম। বাস্তবে সারাদিন এই চলেছে ফেসবুকে। ছাত্রলীগের হাতে ঝরে গেছে ইসলামী বিপ্লবের দুই যোদ্ধার তরতাজা প্রাণ। এই পোস্ট যখন দিচ্ছি তার খানিক আগে নন্দীরহাটে একটা মন্দির ভেঙ্গে ঝাল মিটিয়েছে ছাত্র শিবিরের ক্যাডাররা। যাহোক, যে দুজন মারা গেছে তার কমপক্ষে একজন নিজেদের হাতেই খুন হয়েছে বলে সন্দেহ করা হচ্ছে। তার স্বপক্ষে কিছু প্রমাণও মিলেছে। প্রমাণ বলতে ঘটনাস্থলের কিছু ছবি। মেটা ডাটা মিলিয়ে ছবিগুলো তোলার সময় চিহ্নিত করে মাসুদের অবস্থান বের করার চেষ্টা করা হয়েছে। ২টা ১৮ মিনিটে সংঘাত যখন শুরু হয় মাসুদ তখন চত্বরের কাছাকাছি ছিলো। এরপর পেছন থেকে পুলিশ এবং সামনে থেকে ছাত্রলীগের আক্রমণে শিবির দুভাগে ভাগ হয়ে যায়। মাসুদ সহ একদল কাছের একটা পাহাড়ে ওঠে। সময় তখন ২টা ২৫ মিনিট। ঠিক পাচ মিনিট পর দেখা যায় পাহাড়ের ঢাল থেকে মাসুদের মৃতদেহ উদ্ধার করে রাস্তায় নামিয়ে এনেছে পুলিশ। পরে জানা যায় ওপর থেকে গুলির শব্দ শুনেই তারা সেদিকে তাকায় এবং মাসুদকে গড়িয়ে পড়তে দেখে। ওই ঢালু পাহাড় থেকে ছাত্রলীগের অবস্থান প্রায় ৪০ গজের মতো দূরে। শার্প শূটার ছাড়া ওই ঢালে অবস্থানরত কাউকে মারা সম্ভব না, এবং ভারী অস্ত্র ছাড়া। মাসুদকে মারা হয়েছে ক্লোজ রেঞ্জে, গুলির আগে তাকে শক্ত কিছু দিয়ে আঘাতও করা হয়েছে বলে জানা গেছে। এই কাজটা একমাত্র পাহাড়ে তার সঙ্গীদের পক্ষেই সম্ভব। যাহোক আর বেশী কিছু না বলি। বাকিটা ছবিতে মিলিয়ে নিন। আর অপেক্ষা করুন ছাগুদের মজার মজার বিশেষজ্ঞ মন্তব্য শুনতে।

By: Omi Rahman Pial

Photos: 19

Misrulesof Bnpjamat

সেনাবাহিনী নিয়ে পলোগ্রাউন্ডে খালেদা জিয়ার বক্তৃতা সম্পর্কে আইএসপিআর ॥ উস্কানিমূলক, কা-জ্ঞানহীন
জনকণ্ঠ রিপোর্ট ॥ চট্টগ্রামে পলোগ্রাউন্ডের জনসভায় বিরোধীদলীয় নেতা খালেদা জিয়ার বক্তব্যকে উস্কানিমূলক ও কা-জ্ঞানহীন বলে মনত্মব্য করেছে সশস্ত্র বাহিনী। তিনি তাঁর বক্তব্যে মিথ্যা অভিযোগ করে বলেন, সেনাবাহিনীকে ধ্বংসের জন্য সেনা কর্মকর্তাদের গুম করা হয়েছে। গণমাধ্যমে তাঁর এই বক্তব্য প্রচার হয়েছে। তাঁর মতো দায়িত্বশীল পদে থাকা ব্যক্তির কাছ থেকে এমন বক্তব্য জাতি আশা করে না। এটা শুধু সেনাবাহিনীর ভাবমূর্তিই ৰুণ্ন করেনি_জাতিকেও বিভ্রান্ত করেছে।
উলেস্নখ্য, বিএনপি চেয়ারপার্সন চট্টগ্রামের জনসভায় বলেন, আওয়ামী লীগের ইতিহাস দুর্নীতি, গণতন্ত্র ধ্বংস ও লালবাহিনী-নীলবাহিনী গঠন করে মানুষ হত্যার ইতিহাস। স্বাধীনতার পর ক্ষমতায় এসে তারা ৪০ হাজার মানুষকে হত্যা করেছে। এখন তারা ৰমতায় এসে প্রতিনিয়ত মানুষ হত্যা_গুম করে চলেছে। গুম করা ব্যক্তিদের লাশ খুঁজে পাওয়া যাচ্ছে না। সেনাবাহিনী অফিসারদের পর্যন্ত গুম করা হচ্ছে। তার অর্থ বিডিআর ধ্বংস করে এবার সেনাবাহিনী ধ্বংস করতে চায় এ সরকার। এ সরকার ক্ষমতায় আসার পর সেনাবাহিনীর অনেককে বন্দী করে বিচার করা হয়েছে। আবার অনেককেই গুম ও চাকরিচু্যত করা হয়। অতীতে তারা রক্ষী বাহিনী করে সেনাবাহিনী ধ্বংস করতে চেয়েছিল। সেনাবাহিনী ধ্বংস করে তারা চিরদিন ক্ষমতায় থাকতে চেয়েছিল। অতীতের মতো এখনও তারা সেই পথ বেছে নিয়েছে। সরকার কেবল দমননীতিই নয়, গুম ও গুপ্ত হত্যার মাধ্যমে বিরোধী দলের নেতাকর্মীদের হত্যা করছে। বিডিআর হত্যাকা-ের বিচার ঠিকমতো হচ্ছে না বলে বেগম জিয়া তাঁর বক্তব্যে উলেস্নখ করেন। আগামীতে ৰমতায় গেলে বিডিআরের হত্যাকা-ের বিচার আবার করা হবে। ওই জনসভায় সরকারের কঠোর সমালোচনা করে বলেন, এ সরকার নিজেদের মামলা তুলে নিয়ে বিরোধী দলের নেতাকর্মীদের ওপর একের পর এক মামলা দায়ের করছে। এটা সরকারের দ্বৈতনীতি। এ দ্বৈতনীতি পরিহার করতে হবে।

আইএসপিআর পরিচালকের পক্ষে সহকারী পরিচালক মোঃ নূর ইসলাম স্বাক্ষরিত এক বিজ্ঞপ্তিতে বলা হয়েছে, বিরোধী দলের নেতার এ ধরনের বক্তব্য অসত্য, উস্কানিমূলক ও কা-জ্ঞানহীন। দায়িত্বশীল পদে অধিষ্ঠিত কোন ব্যক্তিত্বের নিকট থেকে এ ধরনের বক্তব্য জাতি প্রত্যাশা করে না।
আইএসপিআর (আন্তঃবাহিনী জনসংযোগ পরিদফতর) তাদের ওই বিজ্ঞপ্তিতে জানিয়েছে, সেনাবাহিনী সুনির্দিষ্ট সেনা আইন দ্বারা পরিচালিত হয়, এর ব্যত্যয় ঘটলে সেনা আইন মোতাবেক ব্যবস্থা নেয়া হয়_ এটাই আইনের বিধান। এখানে বিভ্রানত্মি ছড়ানোর কোনো সুযোগ নেই। সেনা আইনে সংশ্লিষ্ট কারও বিরম্নদ্ধে ব্যবস্থা গৃহীত হলে সেনাবাহিনী ধ্বংস হয় না বরং আরও সুশৃঙ্খল ও শক্তিশালী পেশাদারী বাহিনী হিসেবে প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। বিরোধীদলীয় নেতা তাঁর বক্তব্যে সরকারের বিরম্নদ্ধে সেনাবাহিনীকে 'ধ্বংসের' অভিযোগও আনেন।
বেগম জিয়া বলেন, বিডিআরের (বর্তমান বিজিবি) মতো সেনা বাহিনীকেও ধ্বংস করে ফেলার ষড়যন্ত্র চলছে। বিডিআর সদর দফতরে খুন হওয়া ৫৭ সেনা কর্মকর্তার হত্যার বিচার তিন বছরেও সরকার করতে পারেনি।
উলেস্নখ্য, ২০০৯ সালের ২৫ ও ২৬ ফেব্রম্নয়ারি ঢাকার পিলখানা সদর দফতরে বিডিআর বিদ্রোহে ৫৭ সেনা কর্মকর্তাসহ অনত্মত ৭৩ জন নিহত হন।
এদিকে বিবিসি আইএসপিআরের বিজ্ঞপ্তিটি পুরো প্রচার করেছে। বিবিসির পৰ থেকে বিএনপির ভারপ্রাপ্ত মহাসচিব মির্জা ফখরম্নল ইসলাম আলমগীরের সঙ্গে যোগাযোগ করলে ভারপ্রাপ্ত মহাসচিব এ ব্যাপারে কোন মনত্মব্য করেননি। তবে তিনি বলেছেন, আইএসপিআরের বিজ্ঞপ্তিটি তার হাতে আসেনি। ওই বিজ্ঞপ্তিটি হাতে পেলে দলীয় ফোরামে বিষয়টি নিয়ে আলোচনা করেই আনুষ্ঠানিক প্রতিক্রিয়া জানাবেন।

Shahriar Kabir

It has been 227 days (as of today, 26 August 2007) since the caretaker government headed by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed took over (on 11 January 2007). Contrary to the Constitutional obligation of holding elections in 90 days, it will remain in power for more than 700 days by the end of 2008, when the general elections are scheduled to be held as they say till now. What a mockery of the Constitution and the people! Nowhere in the country’s Constitution is a mention made of such an unprecedented form of government. Notwithstanding, such a prominent Constitutional expert as Dr. Kamal Hossain has enlightened us that it is a Constitutional government since it enjoys public support, and our Constitution mentions the sovereign power of the people (something which Jamat-e-Islami and its fundamentalist allies have never recognized). Since it assumed power, the government has been referred to as ‘armybacked caretaker government’ as opposed to Dr. Hossain et al’s conception of the incumbent government. If one is to go by their reasoning, s/he will have to treat the army and the people as being synonymous. However, the majority does not think so, particularly against the backdrop of the unfortunate events that took place on 20-22 August. There’s no denying the fact that the majority of the country’s population supported the incumbent government when it assumed power at a critical juncture, thereby saving the country from an imminent catastrophe. Its sail to power is attributable to the country-wide mass-upsurge the pro-liberation political parties and individuals of the country organized, demanding the cancellation of the 22 January farcical elections that were to be held under the Iajuddin-led caretaker government, which was subservient to the four-party alliance headed by Khaleda Zia and Motiur Rahman Nizami. After the assumption of power, the first and foremost responsibility of the incumbent government was to rescind the 22 August elections. Except for the four party alliance, all the democratic forces deemed its assumption of power as a success of their movement and built Himalayan expectations around it at that moment.

After coming to power, Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed and General Moeen U Ahmed expressed the conviction that they believe in the spirit of the liberation war and want to document its true history, try the war criminals, officially recognize Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as father of the nation, fight against terrorism and corruption, and ensure the independence of the judiciary and media, thereby earning accolades from home and abroad. However, if what happened in the last seven and half months is anything to go by, one discovers with chagrin that no initiatives have been taken to implement most of the pledged programmes, and a handful of programmes that are being implemented are of a dubious nature. Despite having more than a hundred central and district leaders and thousands of activists of both BNP and Awami League arrested on charges of terrorism and corruption, the government has not laid a hand on any top leaders of Jamat-e-Islami yet. The top notches of the administration are

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Literally sweating day in and day out to prove that Jamat is the only corruption-free political party of the country, let alone nab its leaders. The incumbent government is not half as concerned about the incidents of terrorism and corruption in the recent past as those of a decade ago. The four-party coalition government, for understandable reasons, concealed the incidents of the seizure of ten truckloads of lethal arms and ammunitions in Chittagong. The incumbent government is, for arcane reasons, following in the footsteps of its predecessor. Those responsible for the routine assaults on religious minorities, and the arrest and persecution and killing of secular democratic forces and freethinking intellectuals during the tenure of the coalition government have, none of them, been put to the dock yet. Besides, the unthinkable price hike, severe deterioration of law and order as well as human rights situation, failure to face the floods, power and fertilizer crisis, and the process of shutting down mills and factories thereby turning workers into vagabonds have made a huge dent on the popularity of this government.

The 20-22 August skirmishes between law enforcing agencies and general students and common people, mayhems on the streets and destruction of public and private properties attest to this fact. Like the past military and fascist regimes, the incumbent government has chosen to tread the same old path of mass-persecution rather than seeking to find out the reasons behind the mass agitations and grievances that are indeed attributable to their failure. As in the past, an Indian conspiracy and a homegrown plot to harm the image of the government and the country have been smelled in the recent anti-government agitations. Known for their devotion to secularism and democracy, five distinguished academics from the University of Dhaka and the University of Rajshahi have been held responsible for the 20-22 August incidents. Four of them were arrested at midnight on 22 August without being shown any warrants of arrest. Joint forces told them that they would talk to them for some time and took them to unknown places,

Where they interrogated them for 30 to 40 hours without producing them to the court.

A couple of days later, on 25 August, they were produced before the court and taken

on remand for four to ten days. Horrifying stories were published in some newspapers,

quoting intelligence sources, about the five arrested academics and some other distinguished colleagues of theirs conspiring against the government. The government’s list of persons responsible for the ‘plot’ to dethrone it includes my friend Professor Muntasir Mamoon. According to government-sponsored news reports, the plot was designed in the Indian High Commission in Dhaka a month ago and billions of taka was spent to cause the student community to stand against the army. More than ten thousand people have been made accused and over a hundred cases have been filed against the fictional conspirators in various police stations.

Anyone may now be arrested and shown on the list of ten thousand. I remember a Persian proverb that I read in a write-up of illustrious writer Syed Mujtaba Ali. To translate it literally, ‘If you’re eating pilau (a dish made of rice boiled in soup with spices) in your dreams, why exercise austerity in putting ghee (kind of butter)?’ At the news of accusing over ten thousand people in the 20-22 August

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incidents, I feel like saying, ‘Why accuse ten thousand only? Why not 150 million and

turn the whole country into a virtual prison?’

During the tenure of the fundamentalists-war criminals-infested four-party coalition government, whenever a bomb attack was launched (invariably by pro-Jamat militant fundamentalists) or an agitation was staged against the government, the latter instantly blamed it on Awami League or India without even initiating a probe. In November 2001, I was arrested for my writings and my initiative to produce a film on the government-sponsored persecution of minorities. The intelligence department got pro-government newspapers to publish hair-raising stories about how I, in collusion with Indian intelligence, had sought to taint the image of the coalition government. It has been six years ever since, and yet they have not been able to issue a charge sheet against me in the court. And investigation is still going on! Exactly one year later, notorious militant Mufti Hannan and his other Harkatul Jihad abettors launched a deadly bomb attack on three cinema halls in Mymensingh. However, the Khaleda- Nizami coalition government, as usual, instantly blamed it on Awami League and India even without initiating a probe, and got a dozen Awami League leaders as well as Professor Muntasir Mamoon and me arrested. I gave the court a detailed account of how Professor Mamoon and I were tortured during interrogation so that we would issue a statement linking Awami League and India to the attack. As regards Professor Mamoon, the police report in the Mymensingh bombing case said, ‘The accused is a terrorist of a deadly nature, and if he is set free, he will perpetrate more such attacks and intimidate the witnesses.’ During the proceedings of his bail case, the High Court asked the public prosecutor if anyone had ever seen Professor Mamoon roaming the streets or the Dhaka University campus brandishing a pistol or a bomb. It goes without saying that the answer was in the negative. Afterwards, the honourable judge said to the public prosecutor, ‘When bombs were blasted in Mymensingh, Professor Mamoon was in Dhaka. Is there such a powerful remote whereby someone staying in Dhaka can hurl a bomb as far away as in

Mymensingh?’ The public prosecutor had no answer. Having censured the government for filing a false case against Professor Mamoon, the judge dismissed the case. As they failed to implicate Professor Mamoon, they did not file a case against me on the same charge. Later, they brought sedition charges against me for my interview with BBC Channel 4’s journalists. As the allegation was proved false, the case was dismissed a couple of months ago. However deliberate, false and conspiratorial such cases may be, people like Professor Mamoon and me have been arrested time and again, subjected to inhuman harassments on remand, and made to serve prison terms for months on end. That is how the Khaleda-Nizami coalition government would spite anti-fundamentalist liberal writers, journalists and academics. We could survive it all. However, secular humanists like Professor Humayun Azad and journalist Manik Saha had to quench the coalition government’s thirst for blood by laying down their lives.

We watched the 20-22 August incidents on television and read about them in the newspaper. I am an eyewitness of what happened on the street in front of Titumir.

4

College on 22 August. The way employees from roadside shops and garments workers

from Mohakhali area came out on the street in support of the aggrieved student community is unprecedented. On that day, I heard angry passers-by making comments

Mainly about the galloping price hike. I wonder in spite of finding core reasons of people’s grievance our intelligence agencies are discovering conspiracy of India and secular intellectuals as we observed during Pakistan days.

Finance Minister of the coalition government led by Khaleda-Nizami, M Saifur Rahman, would not even understand monga (kind of famine). Similarly advisers of the incumbent government do not know how price hikes affect people’s lives. Rather, they claim that the prices of essentials are lower in our country than in any other countries of the world. Are the advisers aware of the fact that half a day’s wage of a labourer in Europe or America is higher than a full month’s salary of a labourer in Bangladesh? Since coming to power, this government has continued evicting hawkers and slum-dwellers, and shut down mills and factories, thereby turning workers into vagrants.

The government ought to realize that it cannot escape public wrath by inventing an Indian-sponsored anti-government plot in the face of common people’s grievances.

This is how the Khaleda-Nizami coalition government and all other Pakistan-loving governments of Bangladesh invented an Indian link to the people’s movements in the past. Tofazzal Hossain Manik Mia, the then editor of The Daily Ittefaq and father of the garrulous adviser Barrister Moinul Hossain, was a prominent journalist of the country. In his columns, he would often write one of his favourite clichés – ‘That same old tradition is still going on!’ Despotic rulers could never really fool people with the help of such eerie stories in the past. Only the policy makers of the government and their sycophants can say why the same old mistakes are repeated. From 1948 to 1971 the Pakistani rulers sought to foil any kind of anti-government agitations in Bangladesh by raising the bogey of Indian links, and since the birth of Bangladesh in 1971, successive pro-Pakistan governments have only followed in their footsteps. On 23 August, I saw on BBC a native of the old part of Dhaka ventilating his frustrations, ‘We aren’t a bunch of fools’. If only the government could realize this fact! Bangladesh is neither Burma nor Pakistan. The people of this land liberated the country by fighting a bloody war and sacrificed three million lives for secular democracy. They should not be treated as a ‘bunch of fools’.

26 August 2007

Honorable Prime Minister President of Bangladesh Awami League Sheikh Hasina has said the opposition leader Khaleda Zia was threatening anti-government agitation to save the war criminals and Islamist militants.

She also said the BNP chief is throwing program’s to protect ill-gotten assets and the corrupt.

BNP is the unparalleled champion when it comes to backing corruption, terrorism and militancy, Hasina said at a program on Monday in the capital's Osmani Memorial Auditorium organized by Awami League to observe the historical 'Six-Point Day'.

"When we have started procedures of war crimes trial and launching drives against the militants, she (Khaleda) has also started declaring movement programs," the prime minister said.

She criticized Khaleda's husband and former president General Ziaur Rhaman for siding with the collaborators of the Pakistan army.

"The war crimes trial process had started, 10,000 criminals were being tried, (former Jamaat-e-Islmai chief) Ghulam Azam was stripped of his Bangladesh citizenship. Ziaur Rahman, however, stopped everything after assuming power.

"He had freed those who were behind bars and reinstated them into politics by creating a new political party," said Hasina, alluding to BNP's formation.

Zia had betrayed three million martyrs, she said.

The ruling party chief also slated Zia for killing hundreds of army officials, starting with the very people who had helped him to hold onto power.

Awami League advisory council member Suranjit Sengupta, also present on the occasion, urged the opposition chief to join the budget session of the parliament.

Not on the street, they need to join parliament if they want to talk on the budget, she added.

 

আদালতে এফবিআই কর্মকর্তা ডেবরার সাক্ষ্য: সিঙ্গাপুর সিটি ব্যাংকের অর্থ ভিসা কার্ডে খরচ করেন তারেক: আদালত প্রতিবেদক | তারিখ: ১৬-১১-২০১১
বিদেশে অবৈধভাবে অর্থ লেনদেনের মামলায় তারেক রহমান ও তাঁর ঘনিষ্ঠ বন্ধু গিয়াসউদ্দিন আল মামুনের বিরুদ্ধে আজ বুধবার সাক্ষ্য দিয়েছেন মার্কিন তদন্ত সংস্থা এফবিআইয়ের কর্মকর্তা ডেবরা লাপ্রেভেট। আদালতে সাক্ষীর কাঠগড়ায় দাঁড়িয়ে তিনি প্রথমেই জানান, তিনি রাজনৈতিকভাবে প্রভাবিত হয়ে নয় বরং স্বেচ্ছায় এ সাক্ষ্য দিচ্ছেন। আদালতকে ডেবরা বলেন, বিগত তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারের আমলে বাংলাদেশ সরকার এবং যুক্তরাষ্ট্র সরকারের মধ্যে একটি সমঝোতা স্মারক সই হয়। এর পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে তত্কালীন তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারের আমলের আগে বিদেশে অর্থপাচার ও অবৈধভাবে লেনদেনের বিষয়ে তদন্ত করার জন্য যুক্তরাষ্ট্র সরকারকে ২০০৮ সালে অনুরোধ করা হয়। এর ভিত্তিতে যুক্তরাষ্ট্র সরকার এফবিআইকে বিষয়টি তদন্ত করতে নির্দেশ দেয়।
ডেবরা আরও জানান, তদন্তকালে বাংলাদেশের কয়েকজন ব্যক্তির অবৈধ অর্থ লেনদেনের তথ্য পাওয়া যায়। এর মধ্যে দেখা যায়, গিয়াসউদ্দিন আল মামুন সিঙ্গাপুরের সিটি ব্যাংকে নিজের পাসপোর্ট ইস্যু করে একটি হিসাব খোলেন। আর মামুনের ওই হিসাবের লেনদেন বিষয়ে তদন্ত করার সময় তারেক রহমানের বিষয়ে তথ্য পাওয়া যায়। মামুন তাঁর হিসাব থেকে তারেকের হিসাবে টাকা পাঠান। সেখান থেকে তারেক দুটি ভিসা কার্ডের মাধ্যমে প্রায় ৪০ লাখ টাকা তুলে বিভিন্ন দেশ সফর করেন ও কেনাকাটা করেন। এ ছাড়া খাদিজা ইসলাম নামের এক ব্যক্তির হিসাব থেকে সাত লাখ ইউএস ডলার মামুনের ব্যাংক হিসাবে জমা হয়। ঢাকার বিশেষ জজ-৩-এর বিচারক মোজাম্মেল হোসেনের আদালতে আজ বুধবার বেলা ১১টা থেকে দেড়টা পর্যন্ত এ বিচারকাজ অনুষ্ঠিত হয়। বাদীর পক্ষে মোশাররফ হোসেন, আনিসুল হক আর রাষ্ট্রপক্ষে অ্যাটর্নি জেনারেল মাহবুবে আলম মামলা পরিচালনা করেন। আদালত আগামী ৮ ডিসেম্বর মামলার পরবর্তী সাক্ষ্য গ্রহণের দিন ধার্য করেছেন।
সাক্ষ্য দেওয়ার একপর্যায়ে ডেবরা জানান, এ বিষয়ে তদন্ত শেষে সাক্ষীর স্বাক্ষর-সংবলিত ২২৯ পৃষ্ঠার প্রতিবেদন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের বাংলাদেশ দূতাবাসের মাধ্যমে অ্যাটর্নি জেনারেলের কার্যালয়ে পাঠানো হয়। একই সঙ্গে সিঙ্গাপুরে অবস্থিত বাংলাদেশের দূতাবাসের মাধ্যমে ৩৮ পৃষ্ঠার তদন্ত প্রতিবেদনও অ্যাটর্নি জেনারেলের কার্যালয়ে পাঠানো হয়। আর আজ ওই প্রতিবেদনগুলোর স্বাক্ষরিত ফটোকপি আদালতে দাখিল করা হয়।
এর আগে সকালে এজলাস বসার পরপরই মামুনের আইনজীবীরা ডেবরাকে সাক্ষী হিসেবে আদালতে আনতে দুদকের করা আবেদনের বিরোধিতা করেন এবং ডেবরার সাক্ষ্য দেওয়ার আইনগত বৈধতা রয়েছে কি না, তা নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তোলেন। আদালত বিষয়টি শুনানি শেষে নাকচ করে দেন। এ পর্যায়ে তারেক-মামুনের আইনজীবীরা আদালত বর্জন করে আদালত প্রাঙ্গণের মিছিল করেন।
২০০৯ সালের ২৬ অক্টোবর ক্যান্টনমেন্ট থানায় বিদেশে অর্থপাচারের অভিযোগে তারেক রহমান ও তাঁর বন্ধু গিয়াসউদ্দিন আল মামুনের বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করে দুদক। গত বছরের ২ জুলাই তাঁদের বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগপত্র দেওয়া হয়। তারেক রহমান তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারের আমলে জামিন নিয়ে চিকিত্সার জন্য যুক্তরাজ্য যান। এখনো তিনি ওই দেশে আছেন। মামুন আছেন কারাগারে।
অভিযোগপত্রে বলা হয়, সাবেক প্রধানমন্ত্রী খালেদা জিয়ার ছেলে তারেক রহমানের প্রভাব খাটিয়ে বিভিন্ন কোম্পানি ও সংস্থাকে কাজ পাইয়ে দেওয়ার আশ্বাস দিয়ে তাঁর বন্ধু মামুন অবৈধভাবে অর্থ আদায় করেন। তারেক রহমান নিজেকে আড়াল করতে মামুনের মাধ্যমে ২০০৩ থেকে ২০০৭ সালের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশ থেকে বিভিন্ন পথে মোট ২০ কোটি ৪১ লাখ ২৫ হাজার টাকা সিঙ্গাপুরে পাচার করেন। তারেক রহমানের অবৈধভাবে অর্জিত অর্থই সিঙ্গাপুরের সিটি ব্যাংকে মামুনের হিসাবে রক্ষিত ছিল।

The anti independence alliances wants to kill Sheikh Hasina

It was 5.23 pm on 21st august 2004 when Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina was wrapping up a rally protesting Sylhet blasts. A wave of grenade attacks on her left at least 16 people killed and left around 200 persons critically injured including top Awami League leaders Abdur Razzak, Amir Hossain Amu, Suranjit Sengupta, Ivy Rahman and Kazi Zafarullah.

The party secretary on Women affairs Ivy Rahman died in the Hospital later in the day. The unknown assailants fired seven bullets at the bulletproof SUV that Hasina boarded immediately after the blast.

The unusually poor deployment of police at the rally and the absence of forces on nearby building rooftops are a remarkable deviation from the usual practice.

Motaher Hossain, general secretary of AL Krishak League said some people on the roof of Ramna hotel and adjacent building were throwing bombs. At least 13 grenades exploded one after another, and also who were present on the spot told a white Microbus carried of some injured person who were among the assailant and were wounded by their own bomb.

Blame game started at the very moment Hasina spoke out loud about government’s conspiracy to kill the remaining member of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujiber Rahman’s remaining family members, BNP leaders hold back and Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan commented that they have blamed the government out of emotion. But soon BNP leaders changed their tone and started to blame AL for attacking their own rally, they argued AL had done it to destabilize the country and discredit the government only to grab the power.

Fiction and conspiracy theories were put forward by various columnists in the media. Pro Awami columnists blamed the fundamentalist forces and the right wing coalition government for this attack while pro BNP columnists blamed AL and pointed finger towards the country’s biggest neighbor India.

However most columnists inclined towards Awami league and left parties and leaders and activists of these parties discovered a pattern in the bomb blasts. In most cases secular forces and those who believe in culture, tradition and democratic values had been the target. The same group was behind the attack on Hasina’s rally.

Those pro BNP columnists pick up the same incident and argued Hasina was not the target of those assailants, if she were their target then why none of those grenades fall on the truck and also wrote thousand pages about AL’s possible motive behind this?

Some suspected it as a plot by international Muslim extremist groups; some pointed towards the association of ISI (Inter Services Intelligence); while Jamaat leader Matiur Rahman Nizami believes it is the work of “well known enemies of Islam” who masterminded, through various covert organizations, to carry out such brutal murders.

It became increasingly hard to dig out the truth from these fictions. With conspiracy theories you can use any piece of evidence to either prove or disprove your opinion and you can pick up any particular incident to strengthen your position. Truth has many faces but with conspiracy theory all you can achieve is a thousand shade of the truth and all these are equally probable and could be equally false.

In this present regime we have finally a charge sheet that clearly indicates Awami Leagues position is correct in this issue, RAB and other government intelligence agency finally concluded that Islamic militants are behind this attack and also a small fraction of BNP activists patronized this attack.

But is it the whole truth or only a facade? Lets look at the proceedings of the investigations.

To investigate 21st August 2004 bomb blast then BNP government first employed metropolitan police’s detective branch to investigate this incident, then this case was handed over to the criminal investigation department of Bangladesh Police. Five investigating officer under 3 officers in charge investigated this incident for over 4 years and they had submitted two charge sheet contradicting each other.

What is the progress in this case? When ever you ask this question to a law enforcement officer, a certain reply will be that “we are still investigating this matter. We had some lead but for the sake of this on going investigation we can not tell you anything.” Even after submitting charge sheet against 22 person in June 11, 2008 and acquitting all other person found guilty (on the first charge sheet presented by the CID), still the investigation has not been closed. So far we have 2 persons who claimed that they had actively participated in this failed assassination. On 26th June, 2005 Joj Miah from Noakhali confessed to police that for 5000 taka he carried out this attack under the order of Subrata Bain, a top terrorist. Subrata Bain and his group had close ties with some notorious AL leaders and they fled to India after alliance government took over the state in October 2001. He confessed to a magistrate that he had never seen any grenade before but Subrata Bain, Joy, Molla Masud ordered him to participate in this assassination. ASP of Police [CID] Abdur Rashid was the investigation officer then.

But the government were not satisfied with this finding so led by Munsi Atikur Rahman the investigation continued. The investigation found a paved path established by the coalition government.

So far we have two investigation reports, one of them was by Justice Jaynul Abedin, chairman of the one man investigation committee formed by the government to investigate 21st august grenade attack on Awami leagues rally. Awami League has rejected this report claiming it lacks neutrality. And another one was submitted by the Supreme Court Bar Association. According to Moudud Ahmed, who was Law minister at that time, claimed that this inquiry committee is illegal.

Jaynul Abedin’s investigation report:

Justice Jaynul Abedin had submitted his 162 pages manuscript of coalition governments collective story on 2nd October 2004. He was the member and chairman of one man inquiry committee formed by the government to investigate the grenade attack on Awami League rally on 21st august. On the eve of this submission those authorities in concern had invited journalist to give some insight of the report.

After scrutiny, critical and painstaking analysis, Jaynul Abedin did omit the possibility that coalition government and his ally, some extremist religious group and a part of Awami League was behind this heinous attack on Awami League activists.

But he did claim with certainty that a foreign intelligence agency actively participated in this event. They trained those assailants and equipped them with necessary ammunitions. He described this event on that informal press conference, “this incident is a naked attack on the independence and sovereignty of the country.”

Because Jaynul Abedin was a BNP activist in the past, Awami League questioned the neutrality of the investigation committee. Even though 123 people given their statement to this committee but that does not include Sheikh Hasina, who was the prime target of this massacre. Sheikh Hasina rejected the call for her statement.

In that one and half hour informal briefing on the report prior to its submission Jaynul concluded “the commission may not have received cooperation from all, which may have somewhat hindered the investigation, but the inquiry is in no way incomplete.”

Like any other investigation report submitted by any government formed investigation committee it also embraced the fate to remain unpublished till-to-date.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee report:

On 22nd august, 2004, immediately after the grenade attack, The Supreme Court Bar Association formed an inquiry committee. Barrister Kamal Hossain was elected as the chairman of that committee and the other members of this committee were Rokonuddin Mahmud, Abdul Malek, Amir-ul-Islam, M Zahir and Muhammad Ayenuddin.

While Hasina wrapped up the rally, at that very moment a grenade went off loud and it was followed by at least 10 such explosions. Awami League leaders formed a human shield to cover Hasina from the splinter, they were injured in this process and soon after they escorted Hasina to her bullet proof SUV and Hasina left for Sudha Sadan, while on the move that SUV was attacked by bullets. Witnesses on their statement confirmed the SCBA inquiry committee that they had not seen any member of the law enforcing agency in action there.

After inspecting the place of occurrence on 27th august 2004 they went to Sudha Sadan, where Hasina assured the committee her full cooperation to find out the truth. Hasina’s security personal and her driver gave their statement to this committee and this committee also inspected the SUV.

Driver on his statement told the committee that he drove towards the east, then took a left turn and then he drove towards Sudha Sadan through zero point. But police officers deployed at the rally on 21st August on their statement said to inquiry committee, SUV carrying Sheikh Hasina away from that place drove westward, took a right turn, and then went to Sudha Sadan through zero point.

On 16th, 17th, 18th September the committee watched the video tape recorded by ATN, Channel I and NTV. On ATN video tape they saw a young man purposefully looking towards the multi storied Dhaka City Bhaban. Apart from this, on Channel I and NTV footage some suspicious incidents were seen by the committee members.

The inquiry committee sent two letters to Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, requesting her to extend cooperation for the inquiry and to direct the law enforcing agency to cooperate with them in interest of its work.

A letter was sent from the inquiry committee to IGP Shahudul Huq on 29 August 2004 requesting him to direct the police authorities to inform the inquiry committee of the number of persons who were deployed for maintaining the law and order in the public meeting on 21st August 2004 with the descriptions of their duties and locations.

After 3 weeks another letter was sent to him, requesting for his interview. The inquiry committee requested state minister of home affairs, but all of them turned down their request further more the law minister Moudud Ahmed on several occasion said that this inquiry committee had no legal basis and any report of any such illegal committee should not be recognized.

But the government did inform the SCBA inquiry committee that they had done every thing that is possible for them and sent a copy of the statement made by the State Minister for Home Affairs in the Parliament. In that speech the State Minister mentioned that the police made all out efforts to identify the culprits immediately after the incident and within 24 hours a Judicial Inquiry Commission was constituted with a judge of the Supreme Court as the sole Member. He also mentioned that the Government also arranged for an “international” inquiry into the 21st August incident side by side with Bangladesh police investigation and in response to the Government invitation 3 (three) teams from Interpol visited Bangladesh and helped the inquiry. Besides this, the government had also taken cooperation of FBI of USA.

The SCBA inquiry committee made repeated requests at the highest levels of the government for obtaining copies of reports of earlier bomb-blasts, the report of the ‘judicial inquiry’ into the 21 August, 2004 constituted by the Government, and other documents and information, but such requests have till-to-date were turned down.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee concluded it was a pre-planned attack, carried out on the basis of a carefully prepared plan, targeting Sheikh Hasina and other leaders and persons attending the rally. The firing of the bullets and grenades on the vehicle by which she was leaving the place of occurrence, confirms that she was the target.

The committee urged government to publish all reports of investigation within one month or else public may lead to believe attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life was to some extent was patronized by this government.

The alleged HUJI rage against Awami League:

Some columnists claimed in the media that the AL government, after assuming power in 1996 barred Islamic scholars from issuing fatwa’s through a High Court order. The government also came on strong against the right wing protesters and arrested hundreds across the country. This had angered HUJI.

Mufti Abdul Hannan, the operative commander of the banned Harkatul Jihad-al-Islami revealed on 19th November 2006.

“I masterminded all grenade attacks across the country excepting the August 21, 2004 gruesome attack on the AL rally, and three people financed the outfit for carrying out the attacks”

Hannan gave another detailed statement on 1st November 2007:

“Kajol was given the responsibility to collect funds and grenades for the attack. They decided that 12 persons would carry out the attack and Kajol and Abu Jandal would select the commanders of the operation. It was decided that Kajol and Jandal brief the attackers about their positions and Jandal would throw the first grenade after getting instruction from Sayeed. The others would throw their grenades at around the same time. Hannan said the attackers targeted the truck and left the spot individually after the operation.”

However question remains as why HUJI chose to attack Hasina after all those years and during the period when there was a row of political killings of Awami League leaders (Kibria, Ahsan Master etc.) were happening. HUJI members were used but who masterminded the attack?

The BNP connection:

In January 2008, former deputy minister for information of the BNP government Abdus Salam Pintu was arrested for his involvement with the grenade attacks on Awami League rally on August 21 in 2004. He was arrested on the basis of confessional statement made earlier by detained Mufti Hannan who claimed that the attack on the AL rally was planned at the official residence of the former Deputy Minister. Hannan said that Pintu was present at the meeting and later supplied the grenades.

He made startling disclosure to interrogators about the involvement of former State Minister of Home Lutfuzzaman Babar and ‘Hawa Bhaban’ in the grenade attacks. From The New Nation:

“The CID officer said they were certain after the arrest of Mufti Hannan and Pintu that the attack on the AL rally had been aided and abetted by Lutfuzzaman Babar and the Hawa Bhaban.

“To hide the truth, former investigation officer Ruhul Amin, a CID officer, had gone to Pintu’s house several times,” he said, and added, “former State Minister of Home Babar was involved in the entire process and Pintu would regularly inquire with him about the progress.”

Pintu’s counsel Advocate Sanaullah Mia, however, told : “He was implicated only because his cousin Maulana Tajul Islam, a militant leader and an accused in the grenade attack case, had visited his house when Pintu was a Minister,”

HUJI is the culprit but who used them and why?

On June 11, 2008 charges were finally made against 22 persons including top Harkat-ul-Jihad (Huji) leader Mufti Abdul Hannan and BNP leader and former deputy minister Abdus Salam Pintu. Newspaper reports say:

“CID Chief Additional Inspector General Jabed Patwari said HUJI top leaders planned and carried out the attacks to kill Hasina as a few arrested attackers said in their confessional statements that Hasina would harm Islam if she was alive and came to power again.

BNP leader Pintu is not involved with Huji but he has been charged since the attackers had held two meetings at his residence to take decision about the attack.”

But the question remains whether HUJI tried to kill Hasina on their own or it was a political assassination plot linked by BNP to take out the opposition. Like every other political massacre the 21st August grenade attack on Hasina has no clear motive whatsoever and after 4 years of investigation we are not certain whether those who were behind this ghastly attack have finally been exposed. Will we be able to know the truth? Why always Sheikh Hasina an progressive force like Kazi Aref,Udichi,Ramna Batomul,Progressive Journalists of Khulna( Humayun Kabir,an Others),Poet Shasur Rahman ,Dr Humayun Azad and others were target of terrorists?Why no one of so called nationalist or self styled Islamic force came under attacks of terrorists? What does this mean? These terrorists act as agents of identified beneficiaries to make the politics clean of progressive patriotic democratic forces to serve the interest of the so called nationalists.Bangla Bhai wanted to talk with Journalists before execution to tell the truth but was not allowed.If he could talk he woul definitely have exposed many involve in making him big.In Bangladesh politics of killings will never be over until all killings are fairly an openly tried.

The trial of 21 August grenade attack must be held properlyto punish the real criminals, sponsors and mastermind.Such organised crime can not happen in the heart of the capital city in the broa day light without knowledge and active support of the party in power.People say Ziaur Rahman ha moral support to August 15,1975 mid night massacare .No one shoul be surprised if Babar, Hawa Bhaban and intelligence agencies were actively behind August 21 carnage on Hasina meeting.History will reveal someday.

ZIAUR RAHMAN REHABILITATE THE RAZAKARS AND BANGABANDHU MURDERERS

Ziaur Rahman, a Major in the Pakistan Army, Zia’s unit (2/5 East Bengal Regiment) took control of the Kalurghat radio station in Chittagong at the onset of the Bangladesh Liberation War and on behalf of Bengali nationalist leader (Father of the Nation)Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.made the most widely transmitted declaration of independence of Bangladesh which was the third and last in a series of such declarations. Recognized as a war hero, he was honored with the second highest national award Bir Uttom in 1972. A high-ranking accomplished officer in the Bangladesh Army, Zia was appointed chief of army staff in course of dramatic events that evolved following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 by a group of junior military officers and these army personnel met Ziaur Rahman at his residence to killed Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

This was followed shortly by another coup and counter-coup and ultimately led to the consolidation of power under Zia as Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator. The counter-coup, sometimes referred to as a sepoy mutiny was organized by the socialist Colonel Abu Taher.

Ziaur Rahaman assumed the office of the President of the country in 1977 He engaged himself in politics by floating a political party that came to be known as janodal. Later he founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. For achieving popular support, he adopted policies bringing the government increasingly under Islam, which he included in the national constitution. It has been alleged that Zia helped individuals involved in the assassination of Sheikh Mujib rehabilitate home and abroad, immunized by the Indemnity Act. He also came to be known as Mr. Clean for his unquestionable integrity.

Coup of 1975 and its aftermath

On August 15, 1975 Sheikh Mujib and his family were killed by a group of military officers. One Sheikh Mujib’s cabinet ministers Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was appointed the president and, subsequently, Major General Ziaur Rahman was appointed as the army chief after removal of Major General Shafiullah. However, the coup of 15 August caused a period of instability and unrest in Bangladesh and more so across the ranks and files of the army. Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and the Dhaka Brigade under Colonel Shafat Jamil made a counter-coup on November 3, 1975, and Ziaur Rahman was forced to resign and was put under house arrest. A third coup was staged under Colonel Abu Taher and a group of socialist military officers and supporters of the left-wing Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal on November 7, called the “National Revolution and Solidarity Day” (Sipoy-Janata Biplob) (Soldiers and People’s Coup) Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf was killed and Colonel Jamil arrested, while Colonel Taher freed Ziaur Rahman ( After few months Ziaur Rahman arrested and execute Colonel Taher )and re-appointed him as army chief. Following a major meeting at the army headquarters, an interim government was formed with Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as chief martial law administrator and Zia, Air Vice Marshal M. G. Tawab and R ear Admiral M. H. Khan as his deputies. Zia also took on the portfolios of home affairs, finance, industry and information along with becoming the army chief of staff. However, discipline in the army had totally collapsed and it was difficult to disarm the soldiers and put them back to the barracks. Fearing that Colonel Abu Taher, who in fact rescued him few months earlier, would attempt to organise another revolt, Zia ordered his arrest. Following a secret trial in a military court, Zia authorised the execution of Colonel Taher on July 21, 1976. Zia became the chief martial law administrator following Justice Sayem’s elevation to the presidency on November 19, 1976. He tried to integrate the armed forces, giving repatriates a status appropriate to their qualifications and seniority. While this angered some veterans of the Mukti Bahini, who had rapidly reached high positions following liberation in 1971, Zia defused potential threats from discontented officers by sending them on diplomatic missions abroad.

Ziaur Rahman Rehabilitate the war criminals and former Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman was one of them (Bengali: শাহ আজিজুর রহমান) (1925 – 1988) was a Bangladeshi politician who served as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. However, he was the subject of considerable controversy for his collaboration with the Pakistan Army against the struggle to establish Bangladesh. Shah Azizur Rahman was born in Kushtia of the province of Bengal (now in Bangladesh). As a student political leader, Rahman participated in the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and the Pakistan movement. At the outbreak of the Bangladesh Liberation War, Rahman supported the Pakistani state forces and denounced the Bengali nationalist struggle, joining Bengali politicians such as Nurul Amin, Golam Azam and Motiur Rahman Nizami. He would lead the Pakistani delegation to the United Nations in November 1971, where he would emphatically deny that the Pakistan Army’s Operation Searchlight had degenerated into genocide. Following the defeat of Pakistan in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, Rahman continued to reside in Pakistan. In the post-war period, authorities estimated that over a million people had been killed in Bangladesh by Pakistani state forces and collaborating militias. Rahman would continue to lobby Muslim nations in the Middle East to decline diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh.

Return to Bangladesh

Shah Azizur Rahman was permitted to return Bangladesh after liberation war. Shaikh Mujibur Rahman was a good friend of him and released Shah Aziz from jail. There are saying that while Azis was in prison Mujib provide his family 3,000 taka each month. When Major General Ziaur Rahman became the President of Bangladesh, zia allow Aziz to take part in national election and appointed him to the post of prime minister. Rahman also helped Zia organise the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which won the 1978 parliamentary elections. Both Zia and Azizur Rahman have received fierce criticism for issuing the Indemnity Act, which gave amnesty to the killers of Sheikh Mujib and legalised the military coups of 1975.

MAULANA (GHU AZOM) GOLAM AZAM

(Bengali: গোলাম আযম) (born 7 November 1922), is a Bangladeshi political leader who is recognized by the Bangladeshis as one of the worst war criminals of the Liberation War of Bangladesh. The former Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, he opposed the independence of Bangladesh both during the liberation war and upon its liberation on December 16, 1971 and lead the formation of Shanti Committee, Razakar and Al-Badr to thwart the freedom fighters of Bangladesh. He also lobbied against the acknowledgment of new-born Bangladesh after 1971.

He was a permanent resident of England until 1978, and maintained Pakistani citizenship until 1994 due to the decision by the Bangladeshi government at the time to refuse him citizenship. From 1978 to 1994 he lived in Bangladesh illegally without any authorized Bangladeshi visa.In 1994, the Supreme Court upheld the decision to restore his citizenship of Bangladesh as a matter of birth-right.He was the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh until 2000.

EARLY POLITICAL CAREER

Azam entered politics as a student leader at Dhaka University, and in 1947 became the Secretary General of the Dhaka University Central Students Union. Among his earliest campaigns was participation in the Bengali Language Movement during 1950s. He submitted the memorandum to the Pakistan government demanding Bengali as one of the state languages, on behalf of the students of Dhaka University, following the demand made by Dhirendranath Datta in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in February 1948 and the resulting nationalist uprising in East Bengal. Azam, however, distanced himself from the Language Movement when it became clear that it was becoming a rallying call for a secular Bengali nationalist movement rather than one focused on Bengali Muslim activism alone. Since his return to Bangladesh in the 1970s Ghulam Azam has never participated in the official commemorations of the Language Movement and he and his party celebrate that event separately

Azam became the secretary of the Islamist political party, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, in 1957. Later, he became the Ameer (president) of the Jamaat in East Pakistan in 1969. He was also a participant in the formation of the Pakistan Democratic Alliance in 1967.

EARLY INITIATIVES WITH SHANTI COMMITTEE

During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, Azam played a central role in the formation of Peace Committees, which declared the independence movement to be a conspiracy hatched by India.[2] Azam was one of the founding members of this organization.[2] After the genocide of 25th March Pakistani forces lost control of Bangladesh. To help control this situation Pakistani army set up a network of peace committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration as army couldn’t rely upon that administration. Peace Committee members were drawn from Jamaat-e-Islami led by Ghula Azam, Muslim League and Biharis. Peace committee served as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as general public. They were also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindu and pro-independence Bengali- mainly relatives and friends of the freedom fighters. Almost 10 million Bangladeshis fled to neighboring India as refugees. The Shanti Committee also recruited Razakars. Razakars were common criminals who had thrown their lots with the army.

CORRUPTION LIST OF SADEK HOSSAIN KHOKA : MAYOR OF DCC:

Dhaka – The Supreme Court in Bangladesh has stayed for a week the launching of the open trial of Dhaka Mayor Sadek Hossain Khoka on corruption charges, officials said Tuesday.

The highest judiciary granted bail to Khoka, urging the interim government to submit all proof and documentary evidence to the court by next week before the legal proceedings can start.

The bail, which expires on July 16, covered the arrest warrants for the mayor and his close family members.

Earlier senior metropolitan judge Azizul Haque issued warrants to police to detain the mayor, his wife and two children to stand trial for illegally acquiring huge wealth and concealing the same from the tax authority.

The Anti-Corruption Commission filed the case in April against Khoka, who is also a stalwart in the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

The BNP was in power along with Islamists for five years before it quit office in October 2006 amid political turmoil. (dpa)

They blamed DCC Mayor Sadeque Hossain Khoka for failure to take necessary steps for construction and repair of roads, proper management of waste and tackling mosquito menace. The legislators had a meeting with the mayor at Nagar Bhaban, organised by him…

Not my name on defaulter list: mayor Khoka

Sirājganj :: Bangladesh | about 1 year ago

Credibility

Dhaka, Dec 3 (bdnews24.com) – Mayor Sadek Hossain Khoka has clarified that his name does not appear on a list of loan defaulters of Sonali Bank, after the name ‘Sadek Hossain’ was found on the list. “The publication of this list has caused embarrassment…

SC hears challenge to Khoka bail on July 24

Dhaka, July 13 (bdnews24.com)�The Appellate Division on Sunday did not halt the High Court bail to Dhaka mayor Sadek Hossain Khoka in a graft case filed by the Anticorruption Commission. Appellate Division chamber judge Md Abdul Matin did not put freezes…

Bangladesh grants temporary bail to Dhaka mayor

The mayor of Bangladesh’s capital city was granted temporary bail on Monday just hours after a court issued an arrest warrant against him on corruption charges, officials said. Dhaka Mayor Sadek Hossain Khoka, who is also a senior leader of the Bangladesh…

Khoka appeals for quashing case proceedings

An HC bench comprising Justice Sharif Uddin Chaklader and Justice Md Emdadul Haque Azad yesterday heard arguments of the petitioner’s counsel, barrister Rafique-ul Huq, and fixed today for hearing arguments of the ACC, which filed the case. Rafique-ul…

2

The new list contains the names of Awami League leaders Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, Tofael Ahmed and Kazi Zafrullah, BNP LEADERS DHAKA MAYOR SADEK HOSSAIN KHOKA, Khulna Mayor Sheikh Taibur Rahman, former state minister Maj (retd) Kamrul Islam, former Deputy Minister for Food Asadul Habib Dulu, former BNP MP Syed Mehedi Ahmed Rumy and former BNP MP and ex-Red Crescent Society chairman Shahidul Haque Jamal.

Prominent businessmen Latifur Rahman of Transcom, Abdur Rouf Chowdhury of RANGS Group, Abdul Matlub Ahmed of Nitol Group and Abul Khair Litu of Bengal Group are also in the list.

Others who are reportedly on the list include former BNP ward Commissioner Nobiullah Nobi, former BRTC chairman Tamur Alam Khandaker, BNP leader from Rajshahi Shis Mohammad, former BNP Shahidul Islam, former BNP MP Abul Khair Bhuiyan, Dr Dewan Salauddin, former state minister for Energy AKM Mosharaf Hossain, Ward commissioner Saidur Rahman Shahid, former BNP MP Fazlul Haque Milon, former Finance Minister Saifur Rahman’s son Shafiur Rahman Babu, DCC ward commissioner Salimullah Salu, former MP Abdul Gafur Miah, Srimongal pourasava chairman Mohsin Miah alias Modhu Miah, former BNP MP Ilyas Ali, former BNP MP Professor Zoynal Abedin alias VP Zoynal, former BNP MP Sarder Sakhawat Hossain Bakul, AL leader AKM Jahangir Hossain, former MP Mirza Abdul Latif, AL leader Shawkat Hossain Hiron, former Chatra League presidents Ishaq Ali Khan Panna and Enamul Huq Shamim, former chief whip Abul Hasnat Abdullah’s son Sadek Abdullah, Dhaka City AL acting president Rahmat Ullah, former Jatiya Party MP Nasim Osman, former JP MP Moshiur Rahman Ranga, Liberal Democratic Party presidium member Professor Jahanara Bagum, former BNP MP Mohammad Ali Zinnah, Jamaat leader Maulana Samiul Huq Farooqi of Gazipur, former Islami Bank chairman Meer Kashem Ali, former Law Secretary Alauddin Sarder, former Communication secretary Rezaul Hayat former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s APS Abdul Matin, Khaleda’s APS Shamsul Alam, Khaleda’s protocol officer Faridul Islam, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s APS Alauddin Nasim, former DC of Bagora and Director General of Disaster Management Rafiqul Mohammad, former additional chief engineer of Roads and Highway Khondoker Azadur Rahman, former additional chief engineer of Roads and Highway Giusuddin Tulu, former chief engineer of Roads and Highway Fazlul Haque, former Public Service Commission member Musleuddin, former chief Engineer of Department of Education Engineering Abdul Mannan, chairman of Bengal Group Abul Khair Litu, managing director of Eastern Group Manzurul Islam Babu, businessman Anis Ahmed Guki, businessman Shawkat Hossain of Chittagong, chairperson of Prashika Dr Kazi Faruque Ahmed, chairman of Jubok Abu Sayeed Chowdhury, former Adviser of Caretaker Government Justice Fazlul Haque, Engineer Aftab of Reza Construction, Civil Aviation Authority chief engineer Harunur Rashid, former Director General of Agricultural Extension Department Ibrahim Khalil, former director general of Drug Administration Professor Habibur Rahman, former assistant general manager of Bangladesh Bank Golam Mostafa, CBA leader of Rajuk and Amir Khasru, executive engineer of DCC Syed Mozaffar Hossain, former managing director of Essential Drugs Harunar Rashid, former managing director of Teletalk M Obaidullah, divisional Engineer of T and T Mohammad Towfiq, former deputy director of Agricultural Extension Department Javed Iqbal, officer of Water Development Board Zahirul Karim, additional Commissioner Golam Mostafa, National Board of Revenue member Ali Ahmed, Hazi Aminul Haque Shamim, owner of Momen Construction Abdul Monem, managing director of Bangladesh Gas Field Company Shahidul Abedin, Abdul Awal Talukder of Talukder Money Exchange, businessman of Narsingdi Abdul Quader Molla and former Bangabhaban official assistant secretary Nasir.

====BAPKA BETA SIPAHEE KA GHORA, KUCH NEHI TO THORA THORA====

Former premier and BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia went berserk and yelled at the top of her lungs asking whether her son was such a thief that he would have to flee the country, said former state minister for home affairs Lutfozzaman Babar during questioning by the Task Force for Interrogation (TFI).

Babar was recalling his experience in planning Tarique Rahman’s supposed departure from the country to avoid the incarceration he is currently in.

“Before Tarique Rahman was arrested, we used to get information from different sources that he might get caught. So I, Mannan Bhuiyan, Falu and Qamrul held a secret meeting in Mannan’s residence and decided that Tarique would be sent abroad for two or three years,” Babar told the TFI.

He said they planned that Tarique would be brought back home with a hero’s welcome if BNP would come back to power again.

“As everything got finalised Falu narrated the matter to Khaleda Zia using my name before he took her to Hawa Bhaban in the same evening. Listening to the plan, madam went ballistic and began shouting at the top of her lungs in her residence,” Babar said.

“Arriving at Hawa Bhaban, she started yelling again asking where are the conspirators Mannan Bhuiyan and Babar? Is my son such a big thief that he will have to flee the country?” Babar quoted Khaleda as yelling.

Babar also told the interrogators that about a year or so ago Khaleda Zia called him in and told him that she had Tk 20 crore in different places which she wanted to keep with one Kamal. She also told him that the money would later be used during elections.

Sources claimed that Babar told the investigators that Khaleda wanted to know from him whether he knew any trustworthy people with whom the money could be kept safely for a year, and in reply Babar told her that finding such people would be a very tough task for him.

Babar also told the interrogators that when Khaleda raised the issue again on the next day when he went to meet her, he asked his brother to keep the money. His brother then got angry with him telling him not to get involved in such matters warning him that those kinds of activities would come back to haunt him one day. Babar said a day later he asked his brother whether he could help him as his ‘madam’ had given him the task trusting him.

According to the sources, Babar told the interrogators that some days before he asked Khaleda for an approval to open up a bank and then he sat with some people to work out a plan. However, they told Babar that banks require a big amount of investment and the money would be collected in the name of BNP, a portion of which would be given to Babar as his share.

Babar also said he whitened a large amount of money through his brother in the name of a company after his meeting with the aspiring bank owners. The former home ministry boss also said later he brought the matter to Khaleda’s attention who introduced him to a man who later turned out to be the person who had arranged to hundi Tk 20 crore, a portion of which Babar used to invest in the banking business he was trying to embark on.

Babar said suddenly he came to know that the Tk 20 crore was part of the money that had been taken from Warid Telecom as a bribe.

Tareq Rahman: son of khaleda zia

At the age of 42 Tareq made his first significant step in politics in 2002, when ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party was announced that he had been promoted to a senior position. Mr Rahman rapidly acquired a reputation for being a “hatchet man” for enforcing party discipline. Mr. Rahman appears to prefer working behind the scenes. His private office “Hawa Bhavan” was widely viewed by political opponent Awami League as the driver of the country’s mismanagement and corruption during 2001 to 2006 while his mother Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister. He rarely speaks to the press, and is renowned for his reticence in the few media interviews he has given.

Rahman’s arrest

In recent weeks security forces have arrested over 150 politicians, charged with corruption. Yesterday it was the turn of Tareque Rahman, joint Secretary General of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and son of ex leader Khaleda Zia. Police are holding him for interrogation on charges of extortion to the value of 145 thousand dollars; but other claims against him are far more serious. Analysts in country contacted by AsiaNews tell that in the last 5 years of the BNP government – lead by his mother – Tareque was “the epicentre of high level crime and corruption: an example are the billion dollar contracts approved by him, such as those given to Chinese companies to build enormous power plants. These companies did not posses the technical now how to build the plants which from the very start have struggled to meet 50% of their expected output”.

The UN anti corruption agency declared Bangladesh “the most corrupt country in the world” 5 years in a row. In 2006 the prize passed into other hands, leaving Bangladesh in “only” third place. “Corruption is widespread, from the postman to ministers, from teachers to judges” experts note. “People constantly discuss it, politicians make promises, but no one actually believes its levels can even be reduced”.

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If Ershad is barred from running in next election due to corruption charges, then what about Khaleda Zia and her family members. She must explain to people how her family became one of the richest families in the world from the day of broken suitcase and ragged T-Shirt. Her son Tareque Zia is well known as Mr.10%.

By special blessing of Khaleda Zia , from the street Falu Mia earned more than Tk1,000 Cr. Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan became the owner of private TV Channel.

Vicious circle of syndicate under direct patronization of Tareque Zia plundered thousands of crores Takas from the pocket of common people by hiking the prices of all commodities. In terms of corruption, Ershad was infant compared to Khaleda Zia’s family all MPs and Ministers of immediate past BNP-Jamaat govt.Most of the people in Bangladesh did not support the massive corruption done by BNP-Jamaat alliance, so people won’t vote for them again. People will vote for a new govt. to punish Khaleda Zia, Tareque Zia and all other MPs and Ministers of immediate past BNP-Jamaat govt.All their properties will be seized by the newly elected govt. to form a National Trust.

So, In Coming Election the Main Agenda is to defeat toxic BNP-Jamaat alliance in order to put Khaleda Zia, Tareque Zia and all other thug MPs and Ministers of erstwhile BNP-Jamaat govt. in jail for record breaking misrule and massive corruption.

Former state minister for home Lutfozzaman Babar spilled more beans as he told investigators yesterday that he had negotiated a $10 million fast-track frequency allocation deal for Warid Telecom and the booty was shared by Arafat Rahman Koko and former BNP MP Ali Asgar Lobi.

Of the amount, $9 million was given to former prime minister Khaleda Zia’s younger son Koko and $1 million to detained BNP leader Lobi who had close links with detained BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Tarique Rahman and his Hawa Bhaban.

Babar also revealed during interrogation that Koko and former finance minister Saifur Rahman’s son Tony took commission from a Chinese company in the name of giving it a contract for supplying telecommunications equipment. He, however, denied his involvement in the deal.

On the controversial purchase of 1,970 vehicles involving Tk 121 crore from the government coffer and a huge counterpart fund from a donor agency, he told the investigators that he did not go through the documents before signing the deal.

“It was my mistake. I even did not go through the file before signing it,” Babar was quoted to have said during interrogation.

The former state minister claimed that he had no option but to approve the controversial vehicle purchase for various law enforcement departments “under pressure from the high-ups”. Pacific Motors owned by former foreign minister M Morshed Khan was the prime beneficiary of the purchase proposal.

Babar, who is now on a four-day police remand, said BNP’s Senior Joint Secretary General Tarique Rahman was the main backer of Pacific Motors.

The government decided to procure the 1,970 cars ahead of the Saarc summit in the capital in 2005.

The police headquarters floated a tender in which 16 importers participated. But at the last moment, the authorities changed the conditions of bidding through a circular in such a way that allowed only two importers to participate. That prompted the other bidders to lodge complaints with the government alleging corruption in the bidding process, but that did not work.

Sources said the former state minister also confessed that an official of the Bangladesh High Commission in Singapore used to look after his business there.

Sources said the former state minister gave the investigators information, which they later found to be false. Babar gave the false information to save himself, the sources added.

Babar also confessed to owning a lot of plots and flats in the names of his relatives.

Meanwhile, Tk 20 crore, which Babar took as bribe from Bashundhara Group, was deposited in the central bank’s government exchequer on Wednesday in nine cheques and pay orders.

A Bashundhara Group director told the joint forces that Babar took the money in exchange for not implicating Bashundhara Group owner Ahmed Akbar Sobhan’s son Shafiat Sobhan in the killing of another director of the conglomerate Humayun Kabir Sabbir.

The former state minister asked the Bashundhara men to deliver the money to Prime Bank Director Qazi Saleemul Huq who was supposed to return the money to Babar at a later time, sources said.

After receiving the bribe, Babar allegedly instructed the police not to proceed with the case and the Bashundhara director’s murder still remains unsolved. He also allegedly let Sobhan’s son Shafiat fly out of the country.

Bashundhara Chairman Ahmed Akbar Sobhan is on the Anti-Corruption Commission list of graft suspects. He escaped to London soon after the anti-graft drive began and has been hiding abroad since then.

Masterminds of ‘75 killings, Aug 21 attack the same :  Advocate Shahara Khatun, Minister for Home Affairs

Home affairs minister Advocate Sahara Khatun said that the masterminds of the killing of Bangabandhu in 1975, the grenade attack on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 21 and the attempt to smuggle 10 truckloads of arms in 2004 have been masterminded by the same group and followers of the same ideology. ‘The Pakistanis wanted to kill Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman several times during their reign so their associates killed him, along with most of his family, in independent Bangladesh,’ she said while addressing a roundtable on ‘The national mourning day, grenade attack on August 21 and Chittagong arms haul — in quest of the godfathers’ at Dhanmondi. The roundtable, chaired by Justice Golam Rabbani, was organized by the Heritage Foundation of Bangladesh. It was addressed by chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on the law ministry Suranjit Sengupta, state minister for law Qamrul Islam, former state minister Abul Hassan Chowdhury, former ambassador Waliur Rahman, former secretary Syed Rezaul Hayat and Dr Syed Anwar Hossain, along with others. Farhad Hossain, associate professor of the English department of Mohammadpur Kendrio Biswabiddalaya College, and Mamun-ur-Rashid, senior reporter of the daily Janakantha, read out separate keynote papers at the round table. Sahara Khatun said that the national trauma has been partially cured by the execution of the five killers of Bangabandhu on January 27 this year. Notices have already been issued through Interpol to find the six fugitive killers and they must be brought back within the shortest possible time, she said, adding that the godfathers behind the killing of Bangabandhu are still active inside and outside the country. Those godfathers were behind the grenade attack on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 21 August, 2004 because they wanted to destroy the leadership of Awami League to complete their earlier mission, said Sahara, adding that the same group tried to smuggled 10 truckloads of arms into the country for launching widespread destructive operations in Bangladesh. She said that the anti-liberation forces defeated in 1971 have been putting up obstructions to stop the trial of war criminals and urged all to be careful and united against these embittered militant forces. Suranjit Sengupta said that counter-revolutionary forces killed Bangabandhu in 1975, and later their leader General Zia tried to turn the country into a mini-Pakistan in the name of multi-party democracy. Terming the present time as very crucial, he called upon all the pro-liberation forces to be united against those godfathers and their associates who are still active in many ways and under many banners. State minister for law Qamrul Islam said that the killers of Bangabandhu had tried to demolish the spirit of the liberation war in order to reunite the country with Pakistan in line with the two-nation theory. Accusing General Zia of being involved in the killing of Bangabandhu, the state minister alleged that his wife Khaleda Zia had also tried to kill Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and most of the senior Awami League leaders by launching the grenade attack on 21 August, 2004. Terming General Zia as an ‘intruder’ in the liberation war, he said that after the killing of Bangabandhu, Zia proved his anti-liberation stance by sheltering Bangabandhu’s killers, rehabilitating Razakars like Shah Aziz into politics and killing hundreds of freedom-fighters in the army like Colonel Abu Taher Bir Uttam. Accusing former state minister Lutfozzaman Babar of masterminding the grenade attack on 21 August, 2004, Qamrul said that the forces that killed Bangabandhu in 1975 and tried to smuggle arms through the CUFL’s jetty in Chittagong were the same.

THE GRENADE ATTACK ON SHEIKH HASINA: THE WHY AND HOW OF A NEUTRAL INVESTIGATION

The Attack and the Immediate Reaction

The grenade attack on Awami League rally at Bangabandhu Avenue on 21 August was undoubtedly aimed at assassination of Sheikh Hasina. Before she could leave the place of occurrence there were at least 9 grenade blasts and many rounds of shooting. A very determined and well-planned attack was launched and it was carried out in about a couple of minutes. Despite heavy, although less than normal, deployment of police personnel and strict security arrangements in the area the criminals fled the spot safely.

By the grace of Allah Sheikh Hasina escaped this dastardly attack as a number of Awami League leaders and workers laid down their lives, some in attempting to save her and others as innocent victims of the barbarous arrack. We bemoan the loss of Ivy Rahman, secretary of women’s affairs of Awami League, and 21 other dead souls. Hundreds of leaders and workers are still fighting for life and many have been permanently maimed. We pray for their recovery and solace.

In its immediate reaction Awami League termed it as a planned assassination attempt and unequivocally accused the government for its complicity in the attack. It was a repeat performance of 15 August 1975 when Bangabandhu and members of his family and other relations and staff were murdered most brutally. It was suspected that the same reactionary forces, the defeated rajakars and fundamentalists and the slaves of Pakistan, were once again back in their nefarious pursuit. Awami League also saw in this attack a culmination of the overall state of lawlessness, the rise of extremist groups and series of murders of AL leaders and bomb or grenade attacks on secular institutions and gatherings all over the country. All other opposition parties concurred with such an assessment. All the opposition forces considered it to be an attack on liberal traditions of the country, an attack on democracy and secularism.

Why did the Awami League accuse the government immediately following the grenade attack? From past experience it was suspected that investigation would be misdirected and it would be eyewash. The incident was so serious that it required a thorough scrutiny and it was felt that the government should be put on notice not to neglect the gravity of the issue.

The Background and the Attack of 21 August

Since the BNP-Jamat alliance came to power nearly three years ago terrorism got a new lease of life in the country. Under the patronage of the ruling parties violence directed against the members of minority communities and against opposition forces flourished and threat to the life of Sheikh Hasina increased exponentially.Before the end of 2001 they annulled the law on security for Sheikh Hasina and her sister and withdrew the protection provided by the SSF. Because of constant threat on the lives of the only surviving children of the Father of the Nation such a law was enacted in 2001 prior to Sheikh Hasina’s completion of term as the Prime Minister. A General Diary entry made in a police station on 30 November 2001 recorded by Sohail Taj, newly elected MP of Kapasia, stated that in view of the threat on the lives of the members of the family of the Father of the Nation this annulment of the law would prompt conspiracy by evil terrorist forces to assassinate them and attempt murder. How prophetic was the perception of the young MP!

In actual fact since 2002 four assassination attempts have been made on Sheikh Hasina’s life. At first at Naogaon on 4 March 2002, second on 29 August 2003 at Satkhira, third on 26 February 2004 at Barisal Ferryghat and the next on 2 April at Gournadi. On every occasion proper attention of the government was drawn and protection sought. Almost invariably armed cadres of BNP were involved in these attacks. On 5 July 2004 when she was on tour at Istanbul in Turkey she was threatened on telephone both at Istanbul and at Dhaka. As usual the government was requested to investigate and take precautionary measures. But the government followed the policy of benign neglect and Khaleda Zia instead joked about it in parliament.The most violent grenade attack on 21 August was the culmination of all these incidents and it happened in broad daylight in the presence of hundreds of security personnel and in a crowded public rally. A series of grenades were thrown and several rounds of gunfire followed it and the criminals escaped unharmed and undetected. The police it seemed helped them to flee by clubbing and tear gassing the milling crowd.

It was a widely publicized political protest gathering and numerous agencies and offices of the government monitored it. The various branches of the police, the different intelligence agencies, the civil administration, and the municipal authorities – no one had a clue and no one could identify a criminal not to speak of catching or injuring any. Even almost a month after the incident there is no suspect or no arrest of a possible culprit.

The after-thought of the ruling junta, now reported to have been indirectly legitimized by the farce of a judicial probe, about the unannounced change of venue for the rally is just false. True that permission was sought for Muktangon but used to the usual government tactics of frustrating all plans for protest rallies or gatherings at the last moment alternative arrangements had to be made for Bangabandhu Avenue, only a few steps away. This fascist government never allows any protest demonstration by anybody and tries to frustrate them through various devices such as last minute denial of police permission for location, attack by their cadres, and illegal police barricade and resort to lathi charge, teargas shells and arrests. Bangabandhu Avenue as the venue, however, was widely publicized through microphone announcements and advertisements in newspapers for a number of days. The fact that the venue was Bangabandhu Avenue was so public that electronic media took position in advance of the event at that place to cover the rally.

The legitimate question is what were the security personnel engaged in protecting the Leader of the Opposition and other officials deployed for the rally doing? How did all the intelligence agencies fail to cope with the situation? Is it utter incompetence or criminal negligence? Or is it complicity of the government in the preplanned and well-rehearsed assassination attempt?Let us look at the allegation of complicity of the government. The spread of violence, the growth of extremist groups and the record of investigation of the last three years may first be examined to find some clues. Then we can look at the developments since the attack.

Spread of ViolenceIncidents of violence involving use of explosives began in 1999 and it was thought that the intention was destabilization of the polity as well as the economy of the country. A list of all these incidents is provided below. During AL period there were seven incidents of bomb blast, two in the last month of its term. Investigation on two incidents resulted in submission of charge sheet against accused persons and trials were about to begin. Help from FBI was also sought in one of these cases. In connection with two other incidents investigations led to arrests of a few suspects. On three other incidents, including the two latest ones, investigation was incomplete. Thus there is no truth in the allegation that these cases were not investigated properly. We shall soon find out how all the cases and investigations have been derailed or halted by Khaleda-Nizami junta.

In three months of Caretaker government there were three more cases. The junta has closed two cases failing to find any accused person and only one case is still under investigation. The Caretaker government dealt conclusively with only one incident that took place earlier. They closed investigation on Khulna Ahmadiya incident by submitting a final report on 23 August 2001.During BNP-Jamat rule of three years there has been 8 incidents of bomb blasts and 4 more of grenade throw. There are also several cases of seizure of cachet of arms and explosives. Investigations started by AL government were either halted or started afresh by the BNP-Jamat junta. In the Udichi case 24 persons were charge sheeted. BNP-Jamat government withdrew the charge against one of the main accused Tariqul Islam, alleged to have links with underground terrorist groups of south Bangladesh, and made him a Minister. In the Kotalipara case 15 persons were charge sheeted and one of the main accused Mufti Hannan was let off and reportedly he is abroad now. All action on the case stands stayed. The CPB case also a final report has closed the case. Action on three other cases has been held up on the plea of fresh investigation against new accused persons. Of the three incidents occurring during Caretaker regime two have already been closed by the junta by submitting final reports. It seems that the junta is following a policy of closing all cases submitting final reports that say that the case is true but criminals are not traceable. What can be a better way of shielding the criminals after fishing in troubled waters in wrong directions!

As far as the later twelve incidents are concerned in only two cases – Sakhipur and Dinajpur incidents charge sheets have been submitted and all the rest are under investigation. In one of them involving attack on British High Commissioner Scotland Yard came to look into the matter but there is no news on what they did or what advice they tendered.The junta’s position on all the cases is that the Awami League and its followers were responsible for the incidents and they tried unsuccessfully to get this conclusion certified by a judicial commission headed by a former Judge A Bari Sarkar. Incidentally the report had to be trashed because of the partisan views and extra-judicial inferences of Bari Sarkar. In another case of Gulshan Hotel Sylhet they arrested an expatriate Bengali Nunu Mia because of his AL connections and tortured him in custody but let him off after his MP from UK asked for proper investigation The junta in each case actually shields the culprits by pointing the accusing finger at AL leaders and workers. There are three important points to ponder over. First, all acts of violence were directed at secular and progressive institutions and Awami League or forces supporting Awami League. Second, none of the attacks targeted any BNP or Jamat rallies or their leaders and workers. Third, the frequency of such incidents increased from about the time of transfer of power by AL government, to be precise there have been 15 incidents since June 2001.

A tabular review of the major incidents of violence since 1999 is provided below:

Reportedly a large number of localized gangs of terrorists function under the patronage of leaders of the ruling junta. Notable among them are gangs associated with BNP leaders such as Minister Tariqul Islam MP of Jessore, Advisor to PM S Q Chowdhury MP of Chittagong, State Minister Lutfuzzaman Babar MP of Netrokona, State Minister Amanullah Aman MP of Dhaka, State Minister Ehsanul Huq Milan MP of Chandpur, Advisor to PM Barkatullah Bulu of Noakhali, State Minister Alamgir Kabir MP of Naogaon, State Minister Fazlur Rahman Patal MP of Natore, Deputy Minister Ruhul Quddus Dulu MP of Natore, Major (retd) Sayeed Iskandar MP of Noakhali, PM’s son Tareq Rahman of Bogra, Helaluzzaman Lalu MP of Bogra, Selim Reza Habib MP of Pabna, Nasiruddin Pintu MP of Dhaka, M Ilyas Ali MP of Sylhet, Shahidul Alam Talukdar MP of Patuakhali and Shahjahan Chowdhury MP of Chitta¬gong.

Another worrisome point is the stance taken by the junta on the trial of the heinous assassinations of 1975 – the assassination of Bangabandhu, his family and colleagues on 15 August and the murder of the four leaders of our Liberation war in jail on 3 November. The beneficiary of the assassination was undoubtedly General Ziaur Rahman. He richly rewarded the killers with diplomatic assignments. He also ensured indemnity for them by constitutionally protecting the unethical and illegal Indemnity Order of 1975. The Awami League government held the trial of the killers of 15 August 1975 under the normal law of the land. The sentencing in the trial was completed and it awaited Supreme Court ratification. Not only has this process been made impossible by this junta but they have also chosen to bestow favour on sentenced criminals. Major Pasha died as a fugitive from law who was sentenced to death. He has been reinstated after his death and his family given his pension. In the 3 November 1975 jail killing case, which had not concluded, the junta released a number of accused persons on bail and reinstated Major Khairuzzaman and also gave him promotion. Some of the killers when they enjoyed immunity set up an armed cadre called Freedom Party and it went into hiding during the assassination and jail killing trials. This cadre seems to have got a new lease of life as Khaleda-Nizami junta assumed power. It would not be wild to speculate that some of these killers, fugitive in the eyes of the law, may have been involved in the grenade attack. They had publicly threatened to kill Sheikh Hasina when they were active and interestingly live grenades were found within the covered walls of the jail soon after the grenade attack of 21 August. Let it not be forgotten the leader of the Freedom Party Col. Faruq is in the death row in the jail.
Growth of Extremism

The extremists groups started forming with financial patronage from Saudi Arabia, Libya and Iraq since the success of the Counter Revolution in 1975. These sources have now gone dry. The Madrassas and camps for Indian insurgents in border areas of Chittagong, Hill Tracts and Sylhet acted as the early breeding ground for the extremists. Awami League government destroyed most training camps taking advantage of peace accord with the tribes of Hill Tracts. It is suspected that many of them have resurfaced again. Another breeding ground was the Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar where Jamat with Saudi NGO Rabita remained active. Madrassa and Maktabs in 1974 were about 1500, today their number is about 21,000. Most of them are archaic institutions preaching superstition and fundamentalism. AL government targeted some extremist groups such as Harkatul Jehad and some Madrassas but these were lukewarm steps.

Under BNP-Jamat government the extremists’ groups have glory days, indeed. Most of them are closely associated with Jamat while some others have links with left turncoats now in BNP. They are identified and occasionally arrested or banned but secretly the ruling junta nurtures them. It is also noteworthy that prominent rightist leaders who are now in power publicly boast of fundamentalist revolution in Bangladesh and burial of secular traditions. Just a few cases are enumerated below:

·         On 8 March 1999 in a public meeting in Dhaka Fazlul Huq Amini (now an Alliance MP) thundered, “I am a follower of Osama bin Laden, I am a Taliban. Crores of Taliban are in this country. Hence like Afghanistan here also will be Taliban revolution.” There were others to beat the same drum. They have never recanted or revised their position.

·         Sohrab Khan a leader of Hijbut Towhid was arrested on 19 September 2001 in south Bangladesh. He was released and rearrested on 17 June 2002. This group is active in Kushtia, Meherpur, Chuadanga, Jhenidah, Barisal, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Tangail, Narayanganj, Sylhet and Chittagong. They not only preach violence but also attack villages and kills people. But there is no attempt to curb their activities.

·         On 20 May 2002 the police nabbed a group of eight extremist of Jamatul Mujahidin in Dinajpur, supposed to be linked to Kashmiri and Taliban extremists. They were enlarged on bail and soon afterwards another group of five was arrested in Bagerhat with a huge cachet of explosives, who admitted that they wanted to kill an Awami League leader. They were also released after a while. The bomb blast in Dinajpur on 13 February 2003 was also traced to this group but no arrests were made. Then followed the big haul in Chapai Nawabganj on 11 March 2003 of both arms and activists. But this Jamat is active in many districts such as Dinajpur, Panchagarh, Thakurgaon, Gaibandha, Joypurhat, Bogra, Naogaon, Chapai Nawabganj, Jamalpur, Kishoreganj & Bagerhat.

·         On 6 December 2002 Khatib of Baitul Mokarram Obaidul Huq, recalled from retirement by the junta, sermonized that celebration of the Bengali New Year’s Day is not for Muslims. He also makes outlandish remarks about destroying other countries and ostracizing Qadiyanis. He is a favourite of Khaleda Zia.

·         On 8 February 2003 one Kawsar Siddiqi held a press conference in Rajshahi announcing the emergence of Shahadat al Hikma organized in military formations with the avowed purpose of defying the core values of Bangladesh. This group claiming 36,000 trained volunteers preached straightforward sedition and the patronizing government had difficulty in holding them in check.

·         The month of May 2004 was full of stories on exploits of one Azizur Rahman alias Siddiqur Rahman better known as Bangla Bhai. With the support of police he created havoc in north Bangladesh in the name of punishing the so-called communist Sarbaharas. The Prime Minister ordered his arrest but the Jamat Minister Nizami announced that he was a mythical figure and the scoundrel is still functioning executing his extreme laws of brutal killing, arson and destruction.

·         All political murders in Khulna or Jessore are attributed to Janajuddaha, a clandestine extremist cadre. It is reported that a terrorist arrested by AL government by making a deal with some powerful leaders of the BNP-Jamat Alliance escaped captivity. Very soon his reincarnation meant the emergence of Janajuddha.

Progress in investigation of incidents of violence

What transpires is that terrorism is flourishing in the country and extremists groups are having a field day. There is no genuine attempt at arresting the present trend of exponential growth in violence and extremism. Investigations are not made seriously, cases are hushed up after trying unsuccessfully to blame the AL and the government really nurse and encourage the breakdown of law and order. Partly it is because of their past links and habits and partly it is because they have politicized and ruined the efficiency of the police and perhaps partly because of the utter incompetence of the junta.

There have been a number of interceptions of smuggled arms such as at Kahalu in Bogra, at Uttara and Kuril in the outskirts of Dhaka and at CUFL jetty in Chittagong. In each case the investigation has been directed against AL workers or innocent low level labourers although BNP-Jamat activists are clearly involved. The moment an investigation points at ruling junta goons or leaders it comes to a grinding halt. In the Chittagong case the trial court has been asking searching questions about investiga¬tion details, preservation of evidence and charging the real culprits. Reportedly SQ Chowdhury MP’s vessels were carrying the explosives and they were being unloaded at a jetty under the control of the Jamat Minister Nizami. Incidentally SQ Chowdhury only a few days back threatened to take on Sheikh Hasina as he accused her of preventing his election as Secretary General of OIC.

There is no progress similarly in any investigation or any information on what is happening. They further allege that the ruling junta and terrorist groups under its patronage perpetrate all these acts. Terrorism comes naturally to BNP; its founder engaged the DGFI and NSI (units of law enforcing agencies) to organize terrorists among students and youth and this process was strengthened under Khaleda Zia’s earlier term as the Prime Minister. Jamat maintains arms cadre because their objective is assumption of state power by hook or by crook and they stand committed to jehad or religious war.

Government Performance after the Attack

Now let us direct our attention specifically to the grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina on 21 August at Bangabandhu Avenue. What is the perception of the government about this national tragedy? How have they reacted to it? What steps have the government taken since then? Have they been sincere in dealing with a national tragedy? Does their attitude or action inspire any trust and confidence in their ability to cope with the crisis?

·         Far from experiencing shock and grief on this tragic and somber occasion the government tried to throttle natural expression of condolence and grief. They beat up condolence processions and meetings all over the country. They even disgraced the last religious rites (i.e. JANAZA) of the dead people by deliberately delaying the delivery of dead bodies and possibly secreted some dead bodies as well. Janaza of respected national leader Ivy Rahman could not be held at her hometown because of violent resistance by BNP goons backed up by the police.

·         Khaleda Zia and others of the government issued statements condoling the death of the victims of the attack and sympathizing with their relations, friends and colleagues. But strangely although the entire nation thought so the ruling junta never acknowledged that it was an attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life. They emphasized only the destabilizing impact of the attack. Khaleda Zia as per news reports even chided her coalition partners for condemning the attack on Sheikh Hasina. Then Khaleda Zia, apparently on second thought, staged a public relations gimmick of calling on Sheikh Hasina. The wish was expressed with great fanfare to the press before it was made to the victim. Is not it a little weird that the statement on the so-called desire for a meeting should be so drafted as to annoy Sheikh Hasina and then the fiasco about visiting her should be carefully orchestrated? Interestingly the press was given the statement well before it was faxed to Sheikh Hasina. Could not one surmise under the circumstances that the government thinks that if Hitler, Mussolini or Salazar could achieve so much without the existence of so powerful media and so destructive weapons of suppression, for them equipped with modern tools the sky is the limit for goebelian lies and high handed operations?

·         The government has taken some steps against petty employees for dereliction of duty in connection with the grenade attack. But just look at the people against whom action has been taken. 10 prison guards have been suspended because they could not explain how a grenade was found within the walled jail compound. For failure to give due importance to the news the Director General of BTV has been made an OSD and the Producer has been suspended. An intelligence failure of such magnitude and a security mess in the presence of hundreds of policemen on duty do not seem to have registered with the government. No action has been taken against the State Minister for Home, the Home Secretary, the Inspector General of Police, the Dhaka Police Commissioner or the Heads of Intelligence Agencies or Police Officers in charge of the event. Nor has anyone of them offered to resign. Not even anyone in charge of various services at the place of occurrence has been closed or transferred to facilitate unbiased investigation.

·         Then to hoodwink the people they set up a commission of enquiry with one Judge of questionable neutrality, who was even rejected by the Supreme Court lawyers association. Rejected by the political opposition and by the lawyers of the Supreme Court this Judge without any sense of honour went ahead with his enquiry. His publicity campaign before and after submitting his report only confirms his partisan nature and his habit of making unsubstantiated political statement. On the other hand the Supreme Court Bar association set up a commission of its own but the government is not giving them any quarters yet.

·         In order to further deceive the people they sought assistance from Interpol. Interpol is a federation of all police forces of the world and they can provide technical assistance to any member country by drawing on the pooled resources of the world. But they work as directed and supervised by the host government. Surely they make their own judgment but it is obviously based on what they get to know from their hosts. They also report to their hosts. This could be a good investigation but since the government draws the terms of reference, the government provides the facts and information and the government decides what to do with their views and reports this cannot by any stretch of imagination be a neutral investigation.

·         If a proper and neutral enquiry was really wanted or if a competent investigation was really desired there were ways to do it. In the first instance in this climate of mistrust and questionable credentials of the government the enquiry should have been finalized in consultation with the Opposition. The investigation should have been started forthwith with superintendence vested in some bipartisan authority. Many other ways could be thought of to give due importance to the catastrophe and ensure a national response.

·         Instead a normal investigation was launched and it could not be more incompetent or more inefficient. As per newspaper reports for five days the investigating team did not visit the place of occurrence nor did they inspect the bullet struck vehicle till much later. Then they collected exhibits from the place of occurrence from AL workers and volunteers who preserved them and it is now well known that they have not only contaminated them but also destroyed some of them. They removed the truck that was converted into the podium and handed it back to the owner, possibly to wipe off all useful evidence. They seized all videotapes on the incident and what is the guarantee that they have not doctored them? It is not known if they instantaneously interrogated any eye-witnesses or suspects except one of their own who was on security duty with Sheikh Hasina. It is reported that the Interpol teams were shocked by the appalling incompetence of the investigation.

A Proper and Neutral Enquiry & Investigation

Awami League from the very beginning has been asking for a thorough enquiry and unbiased and competent investigation. As stated above they have no trust in the government – neither on its capacity nor on its willingness. They believe that the government is a party to the conspiracy that was bold enough to stage the attack and vanish into thin air after making the partially failed attempt. They suggested that either the Commonwealth secretariat could handle the job or the UN could be invited to do it.

The Commonwealth secretariat does not have a police force or investigative arm at all. But it has the capacity to mount any operation when requested by a member country. They could get police forces of many members to form a team to undertake the assignment. In this case the investigation team would report to the C’wealth secretariat. They would define the terms of reference certainly in consultation with the parties in Bangladesh. They would ask for making available all information to the investigation team. The team would be responsible to them. It would not involve any surrender of sovereignty to a foreign country.

The other alternative is the United Nations. Interpol already has an agreement with the UN to assist the Office of Internal Oversight, which is its audit office. So there is the possibility of UN using the services of Interpol. But more germane than this is the mechanism set up on 28 September 2001 by resolution 1373 to deal with international terrorism. It has set up a Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council to implement the resolution. The Secretary General in his turn under the direction of the Committee has set up an Executive Directorate for the Counter-Terrorism Committee. This Directorate has a staff at its disposal mainly to collect information on efforts of member states to counter terrorism, to provide technical assistance to them to enhance their capacities and to ensure follow-up of the Committee’s decisions. This has in-house capacity and it can call on Interpol or national police agencies for support.

All governments are required to report on the counter terrorism measures and activities in their countries. In such reports legislation on counter-terrorism, machinery for executing the laws, and the actual actions and omissions are covered. In fact, a report on the state of counter-terrorism is provided. Bangladesh submitted its report for 2002 and the report for 2003 is due. The incident of 21 August is serious enough for the Counter-Terrorism Committee to get involved in its reporting and assessment. Bangladesh government should ask UN Counter-Terrorism Committee to undertake this investigation. This is the only way to avoid interventions by individual countries willing to help and seek multilateral intervention. No investigation of which the tainted government of Khaleda Zia is in charge has any credibility or acceptance.

Newsletter। Vol. 3, No. 17, October07, 2004

Bangladesh Awami League Publication